Reconstructing the China–India climate diplomacy

How China and India address climate change and reduce greenhouse gas emissions will have a significant impact on the planet’s future, given their growing economic and demographic weight.

China and India are among the top emitters; recent estimates put their shares at roughly 33.9% and 7.5% respectively. Climate cooperation between the two neighboring Asian giants will not only be mutually beneficial but also play a crucial role in mitigating climate change impacts in the region.

However, for such cooperation to succeed, climate change must be reframed discursively, moving beyond traditional geopolitical rivalries and power struggles. Drawing on constructivist perspectives in International Relations, this article explores why such an approach is necessary and how it might be achieved.

Spurred by shared climate vulnerabilities, China and India began tentative climate diplomacy in 2009 with the Agreement on Cooperation in Addressing Climate Change. This pact established the China–India Working Group on Climate Change, fostering policy coordination and bilateral discussions at the secretary level.

The agreement promoted joint scientific initiatives, including meteorological data exchanges and collaborative climate research. A 2015 joint statement by Xi Jinping and Narendra Modi recognized the agreement as beneficial for both nations and supportive of global climate action.

However, this early cooperation proved fragile, dependent on stable geopolitical relations. Following escalating border disputes from 2017, climate engagements stalled and remain inactive.

CIVILIZATIONAL THREAT

For climate diplomacy to be durable and impactful, it must transcend short-term geopolitical tensions. Climate change should instead be framed as a collective existential challenge—one that demands prioritization over narrow national interests.

China and India can anchor such a shift by reclaiming their identities as civilizational states. Their governance philosophies and ethical frameworks, rooted in Confucianism and Dharmic traditions (including Hinduism, Buddhism, and Jainism), view the state as a custodian of civilization, not merely a political entity.

Unlike the Westphalian nation-state model—which emphasizes sovereignty, territoriality, and exclusionary identities—civilizational states recognize interconnectedness. This worldview could help China and India overcome adversarial mindsets that hinder climate cooperation.

Currently, both nations operate primarily as modern nation-states, prioritizing strategic competition over shared ecological challenges. Yet, by embracing their civilizational values—such as China’s Tianxia (“all under heaven”) or India’s Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam (“the world is one family”)—they could redefine climate change as a universal threat requiring collaborative action.

Admittedly, invoking civilizational identity can risk fueling nationalism or expansionist rhetoric, as seen in Xi’s “national rejuvenation” or Modi’s “Vishwa Guru” narratives. However, faced with climate crisis, both nations could reinterpret these ideals as calls for planetary stewardship rather than dominance.

China’s Tianxia philosophy could embody ecological cosmopolitanism, while India’s Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam offers a basis for global environmental responsibility. By framing climate change as a threat to their civilizational heritage—eroding traditional knowledge, cultures, and histories—China and India may find common cause beyond geopolitics.

REVITALIZED CLIMATE COOPERATION

This reframing is essential for multiple reasons: First, it expands the stakes—climate change endangers not just economies and ecosystems but the foundations of civilization itself. Second, it heightens urgency, compelling immediate cross-border collaboration. Third, it assigns leaders a duty to protect past, present, and future generations.

Fourth, elevating climate action above day-to-day politics could insulate cooperation from geopolitical disruptions. Finally, it legitimizes sustained, depoliticized engagement between rivals.

A shared civilizational perspective could foster resilient China-India climate cooperation in several ways:

Political: Revising the 2009 climate agreement to embed civilizational responsibility, ensuring continuity regardless of diplomatic tensions. Such a framework could facilitate technology sharing, green development, and global climate leadership.

Economic: Establishing a green trade pact focused on renewables, EVs, and clean tech—insulated from political friction—to accelerate decarbonization.

Global Advocacy: Aligning positions in international forums to demand climate justice for developing nations, particularly on finance and loss-and-damage reparations.

Security: Joint military-environmental initiatives, such as disaster response drills in the Himalayas, climate-resilient infrastructure, and shared ecological data.

Civil society will play a critical role through track-two diplomacy, academic partnerships, and grassroots exchanges. Collaborative research, conferences, and youth engagement can deepen regional climate strategies.

Grounding climate cooperation in civilizational ethos—not transient geopolitics—offers China and India a path to enduring partnership. By prioritizing their shared planetary heritage, they could revive the vision of “Chindia”: a collective rise as sustainable global leaders.

Robert Mizo is Assistant Professor of Political Science and International Relations at the University of Delhi and holds a PhD in Climate Policy studies. He is currently a Research Fellow at the Toda Peace Institute, Tokyo.

This article was issued by the Toda Peace Institute and has been republished from the original with permission.